When Shackled Hands Extend Support
The sizeable number of supporters at the disposal of the Taliban is hard to miss. Shruthi Sundar, reporting from the 1988 Sanctions Committee of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), attempts to understand the reasoning of the Afghan citizens who join the Taliban.
The date is 10 April 2018. In the arid Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (Afghanistan), a group of teenage girls bask in the simplistic joy of skipping rope outside their high school near the capital, Kabul. They cling onto a fragile line of hope as they return to their homes in the evening, a slight smile playing on their faces at the thought of attending school the next day.
Upon their arrival the following morning, the only evidence of the institution’s existence is the burned remnants of the building that was set ablaze—courtesy of the Taliban [1].
It is reasonable for one to be baffled by the civilian support garnered by the Taliban. One may wonder how an Afghan civilian—unquestionably a victim of the Taliban’s oppressive and violent regime—could deem the organisation worthy of their support.
However, upon close observation, one may find that the same hands that lend their strength to the Taliban’s activities also tremble—often due to terror. As one might expect from a militant group, a significant portion of the supposed supporters offer their help against their will. Children as young as six years old are indoctrinated by the Taliban and brainwashed into blindly supporting their ideologies [2]. Civilians seeking to join the Afghan army are vehemently discouraged from doing so; the Taliban imposes unreasonable demands and fines upon the families of Afghan soldiers, threatening the soldiers to leave the army. Besides financial pressure, soldiers are also physically punished upon their return and their land may even be confiscated. The Taliban—not above resorting to massacre—has even wiped out entire units of army men; the Kandahar province witnessed the elimination of a unit of 60 men on 14 October 2017 [3]. Unable and afraid of paying the price for loyalty to the Afghan army, the soldiers are forced to quit; some may even join the Taliban, seeing no other option in sight. As a result of the dwindling ranks of the army, the Taliban has more room for movement.
As of 16 August 2018, more than 1000 schools remain closed citing security reasons; militant attacks destroyed 86 institutions [4]. The consequent lack of education renders the youth population unable to seek employment that offers higher wages. Illiteracy prevents people from availing opportunities that may save them from their plight. According to the Employment and Environmental Sustainability Fact Sheet published by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 2017, vulnerable employment accounts for 62.9 per cent of the labour force, with most of the workers employed in the agricultural sector. This provides a fertile ground for Taliban recruitment; the poor and unemployed population may find serving the Taliban more financially beneficial.
But, solely attributing the support for the Taliban to fear and unemployment does not paint a truthful picture. It is important to understand that many of the civilians who tolerate the Taliban regime only do so because of the injustice they faced at the hands of their own government. Several are unhappy with the weakness of their government which has been crippled by corruption and reluctantly accept Taliban control. Where the government takes bribes and delays ruling upon cases, the Taliban levies a fixed tax on all income and gives swift judgement according to ‘God’s ruling’ [5]. Though the Taliban is known for being trigger-happy, civilians are encouraged to view the Taliban as the lesser of two evils, when comparing the order they enforce with the instability of the Afghan government.
Additionally, the systematic marginalisation and alienation of certain tribes provides the victims with enough reason to join the Taliban. For example, the Populzai tribe boasted of their privileged connections with the Afghan government and actively discriminated against the Hotak tribe in Tirin Kot. Unsurprisingly, this made it much easier to mobilise the youth of the Hotak tribe against the government and foreign troops [6]. Collective hatred as a result of injustice blinds them of the grander scheme of the Taliban regime, making their insurgency a personal matter. This tone of anger as a result of discrimination is not limited to Afghan citizens; people of Afghan ethnicity living in foreign nations free from the clutches of poverty also contribute to the Taliban cause. They seek to identify with a community they can call their own and—to an extent—punish those who shunned them owing to racism.
As the 1988 Sanctions Committee of the UNSC commences discussion, the reporter urges the delegates to take into account the mindset and psychological burden of those who support the Taliban during their analysis of the situation in Afghanistan—a nation which has been plagued with violence for far too long.
Sources:
[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/15/world/asia/afghanistan-attacks-schools.html
[2] https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/02/17/afghanistan-taliban-child-soldier-recruitment-surges
[3] https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/18/world/asia/afghanistan-taliban-army-recruitment.html
[4] https://www.reuters.com/article/us-afghanistan-attack-schools-idUSKBN1L10XI
[5] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/aug/18/taliban-committee-kunduz-afghanistan
[6] https://www.mei.edu/publications/mullah-omar-wants-you-taliban-mobilization-strategies-or-motivations-joining
(Edited by Shruthi Subramanian.)
Upon their arrival the following morning, the only evidence of the institution’s existence is the burned remnants of the building that was set ablaze—courtesy of the Taliban [1].
It is reasonable for one to be baffled by the civilian support garnered by the Taliban. One may wonder how an Afghan civilian—unquestionably a victim of the Taliban’s oppressive and violent regime—could deem the organisation worthy of their support.
However, upon close observation, one may find that the same hands that lend their strength to the Taliban’s activities also tremble—often due to terror. As one might expect from a militant group, a significant portion of the supposed supporters offer their help against their will. Children as young as six years old are indoctrinated by the Taliban and brainwashed into blindly supporting their ideologies [2]. Civilians seeking to join the Afghan army are vehemently discouraged from doing so; the Taliban imposes unreasonable demands and fines upon the families of Afghan soldiers, threatening the soldiers to leave the army. Besides financial pressure, soldiers are also physically punished upon their return and their land may even be confiscated. The Taliban—not above resorting to massacre—has even wiped out entire units of army men; the Kandahar province witnessed the elimination of a unit of 60 men on 14 October 2017 [3]. Unable and afraid of paying the price for loyalty to the Afghan army, the soldiers are forced to quit; some may even join the Taliban, seeing no other option in sight. As a result of the dwindling ranks of the army, the Taliban has more room for movement.
As of 16 August 2018, more than 1000 schools remain closed citing security reasons; militant attacks destroyed 86 institutions [4]. The consequent lack of education renders the youth population unable to seek employment that offers higher wages. Illiteracy prevents people from availing opportunities that may save them from their plight. According to the Employment and Environmental Sustainability Fact Sheet published by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 2017, vulnerable employment accounts for 62.9 per cent of the labour force, with most of the workers employed in the agricultural sector. This provides a fertile ground for Taliban recruitment; the poor and unemployed population may find serving the Taliban more financially beneficial.
But, solely attributing the support for the Taliban to fear and unemployment does not paint a truthful picture. It is important to understand that many of the civilians who tolerate the Taliban regime only do so because of the injustice they faced at the hands of their own government. Several are unhappy with the weakness of their government which has been crippled by corruption and reluctantly accept Taliban control. Where the government takes bribes and delays ruling upon cases, the Taliban levies a fixed tax on all income and gives swift judgement according to ‘God’s ruling’ [5]. Though the Taliban is known for being trigger-happy, civilians are encouraged to view the Taliban as the lesser of two evils, when comparing the order they enforce with the instability of the Afghan government.
Additionally, the systematic marginalisation and alienation of certain tribes provides the victims with enough reason to join the Taliban. For example, the Populzai tribe boasted of their privileged connections with the Afghan government and actively discriminated against the Hotak tribe in Tirin Kot. Unsurprisingly, this made it much easier to mobilise the youth of the Hotak tribe against the government and foreign troops [6]. Collective hatred as a result of injustice blinds them of the grander scheme of the Taliban regime, making their insurgency a personal matter. This tone of anger as a result of discrimination is not limited to Afghan citizens; people of Afghan ethnicity living in foreign nations free from the clutches of poverty also contribute to the Taliban cause. They seek to identify with a community they can call their own and—to an extent—punish those who shunned them owing to racism.
As the 1988 Sanctions Committee of the UNSC commences discussion, the reporter urges the delegates to take into account the mindset and psychological burden of those who support the Taliban during their analysis of the situation in Afghanistan—a nation which has been plagued with violence for far too long.
Sources:
[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/15/world/asia/afghanistan-attacks-schools.html
[2] https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/02/17/afghanistan-taliban-child-soldier-recruitment-surges
[3] https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/18/world/asia/afghanistan-taliban-army-recruitment.html
[4] https://www.reuters.com/article/us-afghanistan-attack-schools-idUSKBN1L10XI
[5] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/aug/18/taliban-committee-kunduz-afghanistan
[6] https://www.mei.edu/publications/mullah-omar-wants-you-taliban-mobilization-strategies-or-motivations-joining
(Edited by Shruthi Subramanian.)
Blood is Blood
The possibility of the Taliban having political representation in the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (Afghanistan) was introduced during committee proceedings. Shruthi Sundar, reporting from the 1988 Sanctions Committee of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), was baffled by the support for the same. She presents her views to the readers.
On 28 February 2018, the Afghan government announced its willingness to recognise the Taliban as a political party [1]. This move would be a part of its cease-fire negotiations with the Taliban. However, rather than attributing this inclusion of the Islamist militant group to negotiating peace with Afghanistan, some of the delegates in committee justified making the Taliban a political party given that they represent the interests of certain Afghan citizens.
First, it is important to understand the purpose of a political party; in a general sense, it is an organisation of like-minded individuals who have similar beliefs concerning the functioning of a government, as well as a nation’s priorities and ideals. Political parties are essential in preserving the democratic process, as they give the citizens more options to choose from in terms of electing officials and the nature of the policies and laws that they wish to see enforced. In a nation with great ethnic diversity such as Afghanistan, with a variety of tribes spread across its geographic landscape, it is important for the interests of the citizens to be represented in the government. Given the fact that the Taliban refuses to acknowledge the legitimacy of the democratic Afghan government [2], the reporter finds the suggestion to represent their interests through the democratic process ironic.
Regardless of one’s ethnicity or tribal faction, the security of the citizens within their own nation is a primary concern—one that is routinely threatened by the actions of the Taliban. According to an annual survey conducted by the Asia Foundation, 71.1 percent of the respondents to the survey feared for their personal safety [3]. From targeting educational institutions [4] to units of army officials [5], the militant group has spilled copious amounts of blood in the name of advancing their own agenda—often supported by terrorist organisations.
On the second day of proceedings, the Delegate of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), reminded the committee of the origin of the Taliban—the rise of mujahideen fighters against the invasion of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). While the actions of the group may have been justified at that time as an effort to preserve Islamic ideals, the increased aggression and mercilessness of the militant group is inexcusable in the present day. Furthermore, the basis of the ideology of the Taliban today lies in a radical, militant interpretation of Islam, which can be described as a departure from the Islamism followed by the anti-Soviet mujahideen. Therefore, the reporter believes that the historical relevance of the Taliban in Afghanistan does not justify the recognition of the group as a political party.
In an interview with the Delegate of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, a different view was brought to light. The delegate believed the Taliban was divided in two groups: one which seek to represent the Taliban in a political forum without the use of violence, and the other which is linked with the Haqqani network and is responsible for the bloodshed caused by the militant group. If the groups were to be differentiated and if the militant group were to renounce violence in the name of advancing their agenda, then recognising them as a political party would not be an issue.
But, the reporter stresses upon the need to hold the Taliban accountable for their misdeeds; though the group may be divided into two portions, the organisation as a whole is responsible for the instability in Afghanistan. Until a time comes when the Taliban accepts accountability for its actions and provides compensation and remedial measures for the lives lost and the destruction caused, the reporter believes that any conversation concerning their political representation is unfruitful.
Sources:
[1] https://edition-m.cnn.com/2018/02/28/asia/afghanistan-taliban-talks-intl/index.html?r=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2F
[2] https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/02/afghanistan-government-united-states-taliban/582487/
[3] https://asiafoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/2018_Afghan-Survey_fullReport-12.4.18.pdf
[4] https://www.reuters.com/article/us-afghanistan-attack-schools-idUSKBN1L10XI
[5] https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/18/world/asia/afghanistan-taliban-army-recruitment.html
(Edited by Shruthi Subramanian.)